Lord Of The Flies Chapter 8 Notes free essay sample

Master Of The Fliess: Chapter 8 Notes Essay, Research Paper 1. The conch being simply blown and the way that Piggy has only one focal point shows that society has started to work sick. The ground for this decrease in the public arena is Jack. Jack broke Piggy # 8217 ; s focal point, and now Jack who has power, spoke to by the conch, does non cognize the most effective method to blow it acceptably. This discloses to us that Jack is a clumsy pioneer who mishandles power and demolishes comprehension. To go a specialist at something, for example, blowing a conch or taking a general public takes cut, so this is other than significant in light of the fact that it shows that Jack has simply late come to control. Since the conch and Piggy # 8217 ; s spectacless are disabled, insight and force are disabled, yet non yet to the full dispensed with. 2. At the point when Simon says, # 8221 ; I figure we should to mount the mountain. # 8221 ; , he implies that society ought to smother its alarms what's more, repossess the island. We will compose a custom exposition test on Ruler Of The Flies Chapter 8 Notes or then again any comparable subject explicitly for you Don't WasteYour Time Recruit WRITER Just 13.90/page At the point when the male childs preeminent established society, one of the first things that they did was to mount the mountain and achieve perception of the island. It is of import to see that cognizance was a priority for this early society. Ascending the mountain was other than an endeavor attempted with incredible energy and the contribution of trust in what their general public could be. This was the extremum of their civilisation. From that point forward so their general public has been # 8220 ; exacerbating # 8221 ; or voyaging # 8220 ; downhill # 8221 ; , so the mountain speaks to the # 8220 ; top # 8221 ; or # 8220 ; stature # 8221 ; of their civilisation. As the young men # 8217 ; civilisation fell separated, it became rough and controlled dynamically by abhorrent components ( Jack ) . As a result of this the male childs started to fear a creature. The creature was a image of this passing and a check to the arrival of glorification. I state that the creature is an impediment since they presently dread mounting the mountain, a mountain that represents the extremum of society. At the point when Simon says that they should mount the mountain, he is other than expressing that the male childs should surrender their unrefined fears and come back to old glorification. 3. The new fire is representative since it is Piggy # 8217 ; s attempt to recreate society. Piggy accepts that without Jack ( shamelessness ) , he himself ( perception and thoughtfulness ) can flourish. The principal measure that Piggy chooses to take is the structure of another fire. The fire speaks to the mastery and utilization of nature and thus the come back to affability. It is of import to see that the fire is in another area. The new fire speaks to another general public designed by Piggy and established upon insight. The fire other than speaks to another expectation ; the expectation that the new society will flourish, the expectation that Jack # 8217 ; s followings will rejoin society, and the trust that they will be saved. 4. Numerous individuals accept that the flood tide of the story is the point at which the sow is slaughtered. At the point when the male childs murder the sow they take the finishing up measure towards viciousness. Old society # 8217 ; s ways and politeness held Jack ( impropriety ) , once again from slaughtering another life creature prior in the book, be that as it may, presently everything changes as a full plot of society non just executes the sow, yet commends the accomplishment. Society # 8217 ; s moral intentions have moved, what's more, the heap of blame does not exist anymore, leting them to make exactly as they please without sing the requests of one another or whatever else. Now Jack and his male childs have gotten completely savage. The mode in which the male childs execute the hoard is primitive and savage other than ; they no more hold any respect for another life creature. The sow is no doubt pregnant furthermore, this discloses to us that the male childs would blow the lives of its piggies and potentially squander the lives of its piggy s and the great beyond meat that they would likely give in their visually impaired licentiousness to blood. An edified society would cautiously decision which vivify creatures to butcher on account of good and financial concerns. The intrigue of society that executed the hoard does not examine anymore what's more, contentions issues, yet on the other hand depends on its normal wants. 5. At the point when the Lord of the Flies says that the creature is segment of Simon, he is expressing that the creature is a bit of homo nature. The creature, in any case, is only representative and henceforth does non be as a part of Simon or in humankind. By expressing that the creature is segment of Simon, the Lord of the Flies unobtrusively expresses that humankind is involved in partition by the entirety of its corruptions. It is other than evident that the # 8220 ; brute # 8221 ; is part of Simon, since Simon, being human, can think about and devise his ain dreads. The creature is manufactured and can non hurt the male childs, yet they still fear it. As insight is humanity # 8217 ; s blessing, and conceivably it tends to be objective also, disregard such ludicrous considerations of creatures and other such ridiculous trepidations ( as Piggy endeavored to make before ) , it is other than humankind # 8217 ; s load. Other creatures do non hold the ability to fear things that do no influence that at a current moment in cut. Simply humanity creates creatures, causes insidious and injury without cause, and dismays perish. It is other than pertinent that Simon is the strict feature of this novel. Simon has realized that the creature is manufactured what's more, perhaps even reality with regards to what it represents. Since society has gone so far with the develop of a # 8220 ; mammoth # 8221 ; and the dreads and corruptions that it speaks to, all pieces of society, even Simon # 8217 ; s, have gotten septic. 6. The Lord of the Flies is the relinquish that the male childs made to the creature. The creature, of class, speaks to their ain unethical behaviors, fears and different nuisances, in this way the Lord of the Fliess speaks to the old society that has kicked the bucket in light of these things. The last line of part eight is expressing us that Simon, who depicts the spiritualty in the public eye, has now been gulped by the dismays and improprieties of his general public that has decayed to such a degree as to non just make a # 8220 ; brute # 8221 ; , in any case, to go it. Simon is the most fragile part in this general public, as is spiritualty, appeared by his persistent blacking out. After he is gulped by the creature and swoons, spiritualty on the island is coming truly close to expiring. Golding is trying to state us that spiritualty is the most vulnerable feature of a general public. Indeed, even as confidence is winning in numerous social orders, it gets overwhelmed non by people looking for illumination, yet by corruptness and tyranny, as occurred in medieval occasions. Religion every now and again is controlled by those in power and manhandled as a device to order the hapless through strategies, for example, fear strategies. Fundamentally, the spiritualty individuals are brought into the world with is essentially controlled and controlled on the grounds that it is powerless and badly characterized. I accept that Simon does non so much speak to an individual arrangement of otherworldly convictions, yet more the Godhead spiritualty, lovingness, and pardoning that we are conceived with. Conceivably the book is each piece much about the effects of society on a man individual as it is around society in general. At the point when the disease that society much of the time makes contaminates an individual, for example, Simon, the individual # 8217 ; s spiritualty is simple vanquished and supplanted by improprieties and dread. I subsequently accept that this book can be inspected on two graduated tables ; the male childs stand foring society, what's more, the male childs each stand foring the individual characters which in general contain and seek high caliber of the human brain.

machiavelli Essay -- essays research papers

The Church blamed Niccolo Machiavelli for being Satan for composing his book The Prince. Machiavelli finished The Prince in 1513. He composed it as a blessing to Lorenzo Medici, called the Magnificent, leader of Florence. The political perspectives Machiavelli communicated in his book conflicted with the religious philosophy of the Church, explicitly the Ten Commandments and the Beatitudes. Machiavelli wrote to deal with a realm one must be fierce. (I)f you are a sovereign possessing a recently gained state and regard it important. . . to demolish the individuals who can or should assault you. . . . , you should do as such to secure your territory. He gave the case of Duke Valentino's killing of his nobles to look after request, saying if Valentino had not murdered his men, Valentino would have lost force. The Bible firmly prohibits the murdering of anybody. The Sixth Commandment states You will not kill. In what is known as the Beatitudes, from Jesus' Sermon on the Mount, the Bible additionally says the individuals who are tame will acquire everything of importance. A submissive individual unquestionably doesn't slaughter others for remaining in their manner like Machiavelli is recommending to be finished. Another stanza from the Beatitudes says the individuals who are peacemakers will be called children of God. Peacemakers don't murder either. For Machiavelli to state on the off chance that murdering an individual is for the improvement of your realm, at that point to do so conflicted with God's standard and the Church's. Genuine devotees of the Church submit to the Church convictions, in such a case that you are not for God, ...

How to Choose Columbia Impact Essay Samples For Your College Writing Project

How to Choose Columbia Impact Essay Samples For Your College Writing ProjectThere are several courses that you can take at college or university, which can help you understand more about the colleges and universities in the US. One of these courses is 'Writing an Impact Essay,' which is designed to help students be able to write an essay of their own.This college-level course will help students learn how to properly present their ideas and will help them to master the skills needed to use essay samples. When it comes to writing an impact essay, one of the things you need to know is how to select the right sample essay for your needs. Some people are not taught this skill, so they are often left out of the writing process and never learned how to master the skills necessary to get accepted by a college or university.The good news is that there are many essay samples available online. In fact, there are many high quality resources available that will help you write the best possible es say possible. What you need to do is determine which online resource is the most suitable for you, as there are a lot of them out there.Once you find a college or university you would like to apply to, the next step is to pick a sample essay. To do this, you can choose a topic based on the college you are applying to, or just a general topic for your class. However, there are some sample essays that focus on specific subject areas, such as a particular college or university.Also, if you are looking for a good university to apply to, there are a number of resources available to help you do this. First, you can look at the newspapers, which will list the universities and colleges that are ranked high. These websites are often free to use and will allow you to search by all categories.Another common topicis a class. There are a number of articles that focus on courses, with examples of different types of essays they have written. You will want to read these for a good sample essay, as many are written by experienced writers.Finally, there are other resources that are available online that focus on colleges. These resources, like the other ones mentioned above, usually require a small fee and will let you use these resources for a period of time, until you have to pay again.After you find a college that interests you, you will want to visit the website of the college. On this website, you will want to browse through the various writing resources available. The best resource will usually be one that you can pay to use, but you may have to pay for it more than once to be able to access more than one resource.

Building A Union Is The Best Option For The Workforce Of...

To All Employees, Forming a union is the best option for the workforce of American Rental Car. The main reason to form a union deals with workers’ dissatisfaction with their jobs, specifically dissatisfaction with their wages, benefits, and supervision (Bernardin, 2013). We are all unhappy with our jobs and need to stand up for our rights as employees in order for the management to listen to our requests. Unionizing will help all the employees of American Rental Car the opportunity to speak their minds in a way that the management will have to consider and listen too. Also, forming a union will help us approach the management as a united workforce and not just individually, which will help us make more of a stance against the poor working conditions and pay scale. A survey conducted showed that â€Å"83.7 percent of employees would vote for a union, 90.4 percent say that they are much happier with their jobs after voting for a union, and 77.8 percent say they are satisfied wi th their union membership† (Leigh, 1986, p. 67). These statistics just verify that employees are much more satisfied with their employment after voting and forming a union. In the end, we all want to be treated with dignity and respect and by unionizing it will allow us to have that opportunity and more importantly it will allow us to have our voices heard! If you feel that forming a union is beneficial and would help improve our working conditions, there are a few steps that need to be completedShow MoreRelatedToyota : Looking Far Into the Future2603 Words   |  11 PagesToyota 1) Toyota begins work on small car, a niche neglected by Detroit a. Toyopet is introduced in 1947. b. 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Situational factors on consumers - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 30 Words: 8859 Downloads: 10 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Statistics Essay Did you like this example? Investigation of the effects of situational factors on consumers buying products with superstitious association 1.0 Introduction Research questions: (1) Are Chinese consumers always more likely to purchase products with lucky associations? If not, under what circumstances do Chinese consumers show higher willingness to buy such products and the underlying process. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Situational factors on consumers" essay for you Create order (2) Can the attributes of all kinds of products can be linked with lucky associations? If not, what kinds of products can be taken into account when marketers want to link their original attribuite with superstitious associations? (3) Do consumers show the same perception towards different attributes with superstitious associations? If not, which attribute is more suitable to be linked with superstitious association. (4) Are attributes with lucky associations of certain products the more the better? If not, how many attributes are considered suitable to be linked with superstitious associations? (5) Do consumers want to pay premium for certain product of which the attributes with lucky associations? If yes, do different types of consumers want to pay the same premium to certain lucky attribute? (6) What is the long-term attitude of consumers towards the products with superstitious-related attributes? 2.0 Literature review 2.1 What is superstition? 2.1.1 The concept of superstition Superstitions are beliefs that run counter to rational thought or are inconsistent with known laws of nature (Vyse, 1997). Superstition is a belief, or set of belief, that specific actions can directly influence the occurrence of desirable outcomes or the avoidance of undesirable outcomes when, in fact, the actions are not causally related to the outcomes (Carlson, Mowen, Fang, 2009, p. 691). Superstitions are attitudes individually held by people which related their existence to a general order of the cosmos, but which are not based on empirical evidence nor incorporated within the institutionalized belief systems of a society, as defined by leading representatives of these systems at any given time (Jarvis, 1980, p. 295). Superstition is (1) fundamentally irrational; (2) popularly accepted; (3) usually influences the behavior of the holder; (4) may be a belief in supernatural phenomena in the conventional sense; (5) has no sound evidence of personal experience to support it; and (6) may have arisen spontaneously and spread without ever having had the sanction of authority (Levitt, 1952). Ono (1987) define superstitious behavior as behavior produced by response-independent schedules of reinforcer delivery, in which only an accidental relation exists between responses and delivery of reinforcers. J. Rudski (2001) believe that in operant behavior, an instrumental response is strengthened when it is followed by a desired consequence. Occasionally, the desired outcomes occur independently of actual responding, yet people still attribute a causal relationship between the two. Such an attribution can be called a superstitious belief. 2.1.2 The typology of superstition Magic thinking is a belief that (a) transfer of energy or information between physical systems may take place solely because of their similarity or contiguity in time and space, or (b) that ones thoughts, words, or actions can achieve specific physical effects in a manner not governed by the principles of ordinary transmission of energy or information (Zusne Jones, 1989, p. 13) Superstitions are rooted in magic thinking (Jahoda, 1969; Keinan, 1994, 2002; Zusne Jones, 1989) 2.2 Superstition in marketplace Recent years witness the fast development of research of superstition in marketplace. There are two research lines in this field: first line is to explore the antecedents and consequences of superstition using modeling; the other line is to know consumers attitude towards superstition in marketing and how superstition influence consumers decision making. 2.2.1 The model of superstition in consumer behavior context Mowen and Carlson are the advocators of the first line. In Mowen Carlson (2003), they employed a hierarchical model of personality to investigate a number of possible trait antecedents and consumer-behavior-related consequences of superstition. One of the interesting findings is that the antecedents of superstition include a lower need for learning among older adults, higher levels of sports interest, a belief in fate, and a decreased belief in heaven and hell. In addition, the results suggest that the consequences of superstition might include beliefs in astrology, magic, psychokinesis, and the existence of fictitious creatures. Evidence suggesting a negative association between superstitious beliefs and attitudes concerning the genetic engineering of food products is also obtained. Based on this research, Carlson, Mowen, Fang (2009) further demonstrate the relationship between trait superstition and consumer behavior. A new measure of trait superstition is developed and a nomolog ical net of its consequences and antecedents identified: they found that trait superstition influence traditional superstitious behaviors such as keeping good luck charms and forwarding emails; they also found that trait superstition influence consumer activities in which outcomes are uncertain and are likely to be influenced by chance. These activities includesport fanship, gambling interest, stock market involvment and promotional games; moreover, trait superstition is predictive of a wide variety of consumer beliefs such as belief in astrology and in common negative superstitions (i.e. fearing black cat) this research reveal a set of antecedents of trait superstition. This two papers lay the foundation of research about the relationship between superstition and consumers trait and the consequences. One criticsm of the model mentioned above is by Vaidyanathan, Aggarwal, Cha, Chun (2007). They mentioned that Mowen Carlson (2003)s model is narrow in that it does not provide an adequate explanation for a variety of superstitious behaviors that are not based on a lack of belief in science. In addition, this model fail to recognize the differences between superstition in modern society and traditional superstition and ignore instrumental-based and social-based superstition. Thus, Vaidyanathan, et al.(2007) proposed a new model named a need-satisfaction model of superstitious behavior that classifies the needs met by superstitious behavior into (1) function need, (2) psychological needs, and (3) social needs. More specifically, they mentioned that the operating principle underlying functional need satisfaction is the illusory of control; the operating principle underlying the psychological need satisfaction of superstitious behavior is counterfatual thinking; the operating principle underlying the social need satisfaction dimension of superstitious behavior is social learning. 2.2.2 The influence of superstition on consumer decision making The second research stream is about the effects of superstition on consumers decision making. Literature in this line at early stage mainly foscus on Chinese consumerssuperstitious-related perception to the specific number, color and letter. For example, Ang (1997) showed that Chinese consumers consistently regarded A and S to be lucky letters and F and Z to be unlucky letters. The lucky number is 8 while 4 is considered unlucky. Moreover, he also found that brand name with lucky letters and numbers are perceived more favorably than those with unlucky letters and numbers. The ramifications of a lucky brand name are wide ranging from perception that the brand is lucky, to being successful, and to having superior quality. Thus, in the absence of other information, Chinese consumers make inferences about product characteristics and success based on brand name. Several following papers, from different perspective verified Ang (1997)s demonstration. Bourassa Peng (1999) use hedonic price analysis to investigate whether house values are affected by lucky and unlucky numbers. Results show that lucky house numbers are capitalised into house values among Chinese households in Aucland, NZ. More precisely, houses with lucky numbers sold for an average 2.4 percent premium. Chau, Ma, Ho (2001) use Hong Kong data to verify this phenonmen again. They show that consumer are willing to pay a premium for a lucky property in Hong Kong. A lucky floor number such as 8, 18, 28 etc. has been shown to be a valuable attribute, although it does not bring about any observable tangible benefit for the tenants living in these units. They also mentioned that the demand for such attribute is very volatile: during property booms, the demand for such an attribute is high due to the superstition and show-off effects so during these period, consumers are more willing to pay a higher premium for lucky floor numbers; however, during a slump period, the demand for such an intangible attribute of a property declines quickly. Cai, Cai, Keasey (2007) analyse the impact of cultural factors on both price clustering and price resistance in Chinas stock market. The results show support the presence of cultural factors impacting on price clustering with the digit 8 showing a higher propensity for clustering and the digits 4 and 7 showing a lowing propensity in the A-share market, where stock is denominated in Renminbi and traded by mainland Chinese. The other paper is Simmons Schindler (2003). They showed that the superstitious meanings attached to certain digits in traditional Chinese culture correspond to the use of those digits in the endings of advertised prices. They found that the digit 8, associated with properity and good luck, to be overrepresented among the price endings used in Chinese advertising; digit 4, associated with death, to be underrepresented among price endings. Furthermore, both results are consistent across different price-ending measures and across three diverse communities of chinese society. The research mentioned above only reveal the superstitious-related phenomone, not detailed analysis the reasons why people show willingness to use superstition in decision making. Tsang (2004) filled this gap. He discussed the relationship between superstition and business decision-making in chinese business communities and showed that the reason why Chinese businessman want to use superstition to help make decision is that superstition helps people cope with uncertainty through providing an additional source of information and reducing uncertainty induced anxiety, which correspond to the informational and psychological aspects of uncertainty respectively. In his paper, he also mentioned that the condition of using superstition in decision making which is that the decision is very important or the situation is uncertain. This condition is the same as what psychological research about superstition points out. Next, two papers by Kramer and Block push the research of superstition in markeplaces into the frontline. These two papers, both using experimental methodologies, investigate superstitious symbols (such as digit 8 and color red in Chinese culture) do influence the purchasing attitude and behaviors of superstitious individuals. Specifically, in Kramer Block (2008), the authors pointed out that superstitious beliefs may be a source of information relied upon in evaluation and satisfaction judgements through an automatic process. More precisely, the superstitious associations that individuals hold concerning an objects attribute (e.g. color) will influence how well they believe the object itself should perform. The authors verify that following product failure, Chinese consumers will be less satisfied with a product for which they hold positive (vs. neutral) superstitious associations because Chinese consumers show higher performance expectations to the product with superstitious-relat ed attributes. In addition, this paper found the evidence of the role of nonconscious processing in the effect of superstition. In this research, the nonconscious component of superstition is greater than the conscious part. Block Kramer (2009) based on their last paper further propose that product attributes with superstitious associations influence performance expectations that in turn determine purchase likelihood and subsequent satisfaction after product failure. More precisely, consumers will be more likely to purchase a product with which they have positive superstitious associations as compared to a product with which they do not have any and the differences in purchase likelihood are driven by superstition-based performance expectations. In addition, they show that consumers will be less satisfaied with a product for which they hold positive (vs. neutral) superstitious associations following instances of both negative and positive expectation disconfirmation and expectation disconfirmation sensitivity is considered as a moderator of the impact of superstitious beliefs on product satisfaction. Therefore, incorporating superstitious elements into products can be viewed as a two-side sword because raising expectations with positive superstitious associations may initially induce purchase, but subsequently decrease repurchase rates or positive word-of-mouth as these high expectations are difficult to meet or exceed. 2.2.3 Research gaps In the research stream about the effects of superstition on consumers decision making, although extant literature (Block Kramer, 2009) has verifed the relationship between products with (and without) superstitious attributes and purchase likelihood, two research gaps are left to be filled: (1) From the vertical comparison of product with superstitious-related attributes, under what circumstances do superstitious consumers show higher willingness to buy products with superstitious-related attributes and the underlying process. (different products?) (2) From the horizontal comparison of products with and without lucky attributes, whether superstitious consumers always prefer the products with superstitious-related attributes to the products with nonsuperstitious-related attributes? personal traitproduct with superstitious-based attributes,state (Keinan, 1994, p. 52) Situational and environmental variables In order to answer the first question, I start from the psyclogical literature and find out when superstition happens and why it happens. Then, I will link the psychological research about superstition with superstitious consumers attitude towards product with lucky attributes. Regarding the second question, I will focus on one important factor that influence consumer decision making: information uncertainty towards a product. 2.3 Psychological research on superstition The pervasiveness of superstition in everyday life has long been a concern of psychologists, including researchers, educators, and clinicians (Zusne Jones, 1989) and recent years witness an increasing interest in the study of superstitious beliefs. The studies of superstitious beliefs are important since they can help inform or refine our understanding of the interconnections among imagination, cognition, personality, and culture and then how these associations may produce phenomena like cognitive illusions and delusional thinking (Huang Teng, 2009). Some findings have already been obtained. In answering what kinds of superstition and magic thinking exist, researchers have mentioned several superstitious behaviors such as carrying lucky charms (Wiseman Watt, 2004), knock on wood (Keinan, 2002), keep the fingers crossed (Damisch, 2008; Vyse, 1997), avoid walking under ladders (Pole, Berenson, Sass, Young, Blass, 1974). Furthermore, study have showed that people who seems to be esp ecially likely to exhibit superstition are gamblers (Joukhador, Blaszczynski, Maccallum, 2004), athletes (Bleak Frederick, 1998; Todd Brown, 2003) and students (Albas Albas, 1989; Felson Gmelch, 1979) because they all face situations in a performance context, which elicit pressure, psychological tension, and feeling of anxiety (Schippers Lange, 2006). There are two explanations why under such circumstances do people use superstition: first one is that stress undermines perceived control (Friedland, Keinan, Regev, 1992). As undermined perceptions of control have been associated with negative psychological and physical consequences (Abramson, Seligman, Teasdale, 1978), people, therefore, attempt to do something to regain perceptions of control and superstition is the very one people want to use (Keinan, 1994, 2002; Matute, 1995). Here, as people who engage in superstitious behavior are often aware that their behaviour is unreasonable or irrational but find it difficult to rid themselves of such behavior (George Gmelch Felson, 1980), the purpose of superstition is not a means to an end to control over the outcomes but to offer the comfort of feeling in control. In other words, superstition is considered a secondary control (Case, Fitness, Cairns, Stevenson, 2004). The second explanation is from the perspective of self-efficacy. It has been showed that by helping the individual overcome mental obstacles in performance-related situation, the implementation of a good luck superstition prior to a performance task leads to an increase in perceived self-efficacy towards the required activity, which in turn improves the final performance (Damisch, 2008). One up-to-date research, although does not mention self-efficacy directly, verified that a temporary change in perceptions of luck (an enhanced self-efficacy belief) is performed as a mediating variable between superstition and performance and lucky primes increase consumers risky preference (Jiang, Cho, Adav al, 2009). 2.3.1 Superstitious people Current literature has reported that several groups of people are more superstitious. These groups include: financial investors, gamblers, athletes, students. 2.3.1.1 Superstitious financial investors The former chairman of the Chicago Mercantile Exchange Leo Melamed in his autobiography mention that most traders, whether they admit it or not, are superstitious. Some have a lucky tie that they must wear every day, some use a lucky pencil, others drive to work down the same streets, and so on. (Melamed Tamarkin, 1996) Many Hong Kong tycoons will not go ahead with a building or a financial investment without seeking the advice of a Feng Shui consultant (Tsang, 2004). anecdote Kolb Rodriguez (1987) verified that superstition may play a role in the performance of the securities market. They investigated whether the mean return for Friday the Thirteenth is statistically different from the mean return for other Fridays. They used the sample periods between July 1 1962 and December 31 1985, which includes thirty-nine occurrences of Friday the Thirteenth and using t-test, found that mean returns for Friday the Thirteenth are lower than those of other Fridays. One follow-up study is Lepori (2009). He tested whether superstition-induced behavior affects investment decisions. Similar as Kolb Rodriguez he focused on a phenomenon that is typically interpreted as bad omens by the superstitious both in Asian and Western societies: beliefs associated with eclipses and employed a dataset containing 362 such events over the period 1928-2008. Using four broad indices of the US stock market, he uncovered strong evidence that the occurrence of negative superstitious event s (i.e. eclipses) is associated with below average stock returns, which is consistent with a diminished buying pressure coming from the superstition. He also extended his analysis to a sample of Asian countries and found analogous results. 2.3.1.2 Superstitious gamblers The outcome of most game of chance are random events, completely out of the players control (Vyse, 1997). However, most gamblers have their own way to exert their control over the outcome: engaging superstitious strategies. The concept of superstition in the context of gambling is defined as gestures whether verbal or non-verbal that are deployed and believed to effect the game when there is no empirical connection between that and the outcome (Henslin, 1967, p. 318) and it is one subset of an array of important cognitive distortions identified as contributing to the false belief that one can influence the outcome of a chance event (Toneatto, 1999). Superstition exists in most gambling activities and other games of chance (Joukhador, et al., 2004). One of the most revealing research is a study of craps players by Henslin (1967). Craps is a wagering pure-chance game played with dice and there is no skill involved in throwing dice. Henslin, nonetheless, found that the crap players employed a lot of strategies that they believed increased their chance to win. For example, players will touch the dice softly for wishing a low number and throw the dice hard to bring a high one. Also snapping ones fingers is c onsidered to be lucky. Just as Henslin mentioned the shooter will frequently point with his index finger close to the die, wait until the die has slowed down. Not only crap players employ superstition, later research also showed that bingo players use superstitious strategies such as feelings, hunches and psi, attitudes, and luck to neutralize their marginally deviant behaviors (King, 1990); players also perform superstitious way when playing slot machine: 38% of all their speech can be regarded as irrational and 80% of their strategic statements are irrational (Walker, 1992). Later a series of studies using experimental method to verify that gamblers indeed want to superstitiously control the outcome of the pure-chance game. Rothbart Snyder (1970) use a procedure in which subjects rolled a die and bet on the outcome, it was found that subjects predicting the outcome before the die was rolled bet more money and reported greater confidence in being correct that subjects postdicting the outcome after the die had already been rolled. The results were interpreted as support for the hypothesis that a form of magic thinking mediates the frequently reported positive relationship between subjects desire for a particular outcome and his estimate of that outcomes likelihood of occurrence. Wohl Enzle (2002) find that having choice in a game of chance heightened both perceived personal luck and perceived chance of winning. In the following experiment, hypothesis are tested based on the proposition that luck perceived as a personal quality follows the laws of sympathetic magic. The results show that the participants act as though luck could be transmitted from themselves to a wheel of fortune and thereby positively affect their perceived chance of winning. Wohl Enzle (2009) investigate how perceptions of other peoples luck are used in an attempt to maximize ones own outcomes. More specifically, it was hypothesized that people will defer to a lucky other in games of chance to maximize winning potential. In experiment 1, participants are told that they would receive a scratch-and win lottery ticket as a gratuity for participating. As hypothesized, participants are more likely to allow a confederate to either pick their lottery ticket if they perceived the confederate to be personally lucky than is such perceptions where not facilitated. In experiment 2 and 3, participants interacted with a confederate over the Internet. As predicted, participants are more likely to allow a gambling partner (a confederate) to spin a roulette wheel (experiment 2) and bet more money on the outcome of the spin (experiment 3) if they were made to believe their partner is lucky. 2.3.1.3 Superstitious athletes The popularity of sport combined with the fact that its participants are a traditionally superstitious group make athletes, particularly professional athletes, the most famous of all superstitious people (Vyse, 1997). There is long history in studying the superstitious behavior among athletes. Here one may concern whether the commonly used sport ritual is superstitious behavior. According to Womack (1992), he defined superstitious behavior in sport as actions that are repetitive, formal, sequential, distinct from technical performance, and that the athletes believe to be powerful in controlling luck or other external factors. Here, superstitious behavior focus on bring good luck. Sport rituals is also particular behaviour, however the purpose of ritual is to calm the individual and to provide a predictable routine that allows the person to perform as he or she has practiced and without distractions (Burger Lynn, 2005). Current literature has revealed that nearly all kinds of sports can be found that athletes perform both rituals and superstitious behaviors. For example, Gregory Petrie (1975) investigated superstitions among member of six selected Intercollegiate athletic teams and found that sport superstitions were identified with particular activities: (1) hocky – equipment, order and player position; (2) basketball – sinking the last warm-up shot; (3) volleyball – superstitions pertaining to food; (4) swimming – colour of suit; (5) track – clothing, lane numbers and superstitions related to shoes; and (6) tennis – weather and lucky balls. Several follow-up studies verified and supported the different superstitions across different kinds of sports. Bleak Frederick (1998) found that football rituals were centred around clothing and prayer; gymnasts focuses on team rituals and pregame food rituals; track athletes were the only group that mentioned lucky items of clothing or lucky marking on shoes. Gmelch (1992) showe d that American professional players develop and follow a daily routine which is believed to reduce chance and their feelings of uncertainty. These routines include eating the same food and listening to the same songs before the match. Also many players have fetishes or charms which they believe to embody supernatural power that can aid or protect them. These charms include a wide assortment of objects from coins, chains and crucifixes to a favourite baseball hat. Apart from the investigation of different superstitions in sports, researchers also revealed the timing of superstition happening in one particular sport. For example, Gmelch (1971) found that for baseball player, superstitions hardly occur in fielding where success is 97.5%. However when it comes to hitting and pitching, where the rate of success is only 0.245 and seems to depend on luck and other external circumstances, superstitious rituals are often exhibited. Similarly, Ciborowski (1997) reported a high rate of superstitious practices when games were close or when a team was about to lose, but not when a team was leading comfortably. uncertainty? 2.3.1.4 Superstitious students Researchers have showed that students employed superstitious strategies during the examination period. Albas Albas (1989) observed 300 students of University of Manitoba in a number of locations, on and off campus, and conducted many formal and informal interview over thirteen years and estimated that 20% to 33% students used magic, primarily to bring on good luck rather than to ward off bad luck. They divided the students exam-related superstitions into two broad categories: the use of lucky objects and the practices of special rituals. Regarding the lucky objects, they showed that some students used common amulets such as rabbits feet, dice and coins. The special rituals, they mentioned, were highly private and idiosyncratic. For example, they reported that one student knocked on exam door three times; one student played the song Money Changes Everything on the drive to school. One further study is by Gallagher Lewis (2001). They used US subjects and found that nearly 70% of students indicated some level of test-related superstitious practice. They also showed that superstitious practice among students was largely independent of religious belief and practice and of gender and race. Not only students in the context of western culture perform superstitious behavior, many students from eastern culture also employ superstitious strategies. Tsang (2004) reported that many Chinese TOELF candidates, who had applied for scholarships provided by US universities and were waiting for the scholarship offers, went to pray in the Temple of the Lying Buddha in Beijing, China. 2.3.1.5 The similarities of above superstitious groups When taking a look at the four groups of people who are particularly likely to perform superstition, we can find the similarities of them. Financial market, as mentioned by Lepori (2009), is highly uncertain and the risk is high (Vyse, 1997). Gamblers also face the uncertainty because gambling sometimes is pure chance-determined game and gamblers cannot control over the outcome. Students during examination time and athletes in a match also experience the same thing. According to Damisch (2008), exams and matches are important to students and athletes because they are in the performance context which exist both certainty and uncertainty. The uncertainty components include the difficulty of exams and the level of couterparts in the match. Meanwhile, the outcome of the performance is usually important because students may enter a good university and athletes may win the champion. Thus these characteristics may result pressure, physical tension and feeling axiety. Rationally speaking, pe ople can use the controllable forces to control the certainty and people cannot control the uncertainty things (Burger Lynn, 2005). However, people, when dealing with uncontrollable events or uncertainty, do not merely wait and see the outcomes happen passively, instead they perform some ways (for example superstition) so that they do something to try to influence the uncontrollable event. Taken together, regardless of financial investors, gamblers, athletes and students, they face uncertainty and the outcomes which are considered important to them. So far, I have summarized the similar characters of the superstitious groups and I believe it is these characters that make these groups resort to superstition. In the next paragraphs, I will find further support about whether these factors do influence the occurance of superstition, in other words, I will find out the situational variables for people to perform superstition. 2.3.2 Situational variables of superstition Last paragraph, we focus on participant variables that who is likely to engage superstitious behavior and summarize it is the situation or environment that make these groups of people prone to perform superstition. In this paragraph I will show the evidence to further support the idea that situational or environmental factors do influence peoples engaging superstitious behaviors. Indeed, prior literature has showed that people tend to endorse superstitious beliefs and to resort to superstitious strategies under conditions of uncertainty (Felson Gmelch, 1979; Malinowski, 1954) and the high importance of the outcome (J. M. Rudski Edwards, 2007; Schippers Lange, 2006). 2.3.1.1 Uncertainty Researchers from a variety of disciplines have argued that superstition often grows out of uncertainty. One of the first pieces of evidence for this notion comes from Malinowski (1954)s observations. He (Malinowski, 1972/1948, pp. 139-140) observe the life of Trobrianders and find magic wherever the elements of chance and accident, and the emotional play between hope and fear have a wide and extensive range. He does not find magic wherever the pursuit is certain, reliable, and well under the control of rational methods and technological processes. Further, he finds magic where the element of danger is conspicuous. This work opens the door for the following researchers to study when superstition happens. Some follow-up studies further verify Malinowskis theory. For example, Felson Gmelch (1979) argue that magic results from purely cognitive processes and represents an effort to produce favourable. In other words, people believe that unknown forces (good luck or bad luck) play a role in the outcome of events and that these forces can be manipulated by magic. They use survey to find that students reported using more magic in activities that are relatively uncertain (i.e. gambling) and less in activities that are relatively more certain (i.e. illness). Thus this study suggests that people use magic in situations of uncertainty, which support Malinowskis basic notion. 2.3.1.2 The importance of outcome The perceived importance of the outcome increased, irrational beliefs also increase. One possible explanation for this is that when the stakes are high, in some peoples eye, superstitious behavior will become more rational because from the perspective of expected-utility, the small inconvenience of the superstition is outweighed by the potential benefit (Vyse, 1997). This explanation is supported by the principle of Pascals Wager which demonstrate that even if there is only a small possible concerning the existence of heaven and hell, it might be the safest strategy to protect against the risk of damnation by living a Christian life. Therefore, high stakes (the outcome is important) will lead people to perform superstitious behavior in case it can be helpful. Researchers have also showed this causal relationship of the importance of outcome with the use of superstitious behavior in different context. For example, Biner, Angle, Park, Mellinger, Barber (1995) used experimental method to investigate whether need affect subjects level of confidence in winning a motive—relevant incentive in a chance-based card-drawing activity. Results show that compared to food-satiated (low need or low importance) subjects, food-deprived (high need or high importance) subjects were significantly more confident that they would win the hamburger in the pure-chance drawing. In their follow-up study, they used field study to show that higher ratings of personal skill in lottery among low-income participants (outcome is more important) than high-income participants (outcome is less important). In the context of sports, similar findings are also presented. For instance, Schippers Lange (2006),using experimental method, manipulated different type of match (final vs. training) as different importance of the outcome (high importance vs. low importance) and found that ritual commitment, which is defined as the extent to which subjects wish or need to engage in superstitious ritual in sport, is greater when importance of the game is high rather than low. In the context of students taking exam, Rudski Edwards (2007) use experiment to show the causal relationship between importance of outcome and degree of difficulty (easy, moderately comfortable, difficult), and students performing superstitious behaviors. Regarding measuring students superstitious behavior, they based on Bleak Frederick (1998)s survey consisted of 25 items describing common superstitions or rituals about college athletes. About the importance of outcome, they use the setting that the test represents 5%, 20% and 50% of the final exam grade. They found that the importance of the outcome most influenced superstitious rituals. (Damisch, 2008, p. 18) 2.3.2 Why superstitions happen? 2.3.2.1 Stress Stress and superstition Ellson (1942) found a large temporary increase in the percentage of books dealing with psychical research and spiritualism published between 1916 and 1920, which he attributed to the threat posed by the First World War. Sales (1973) believed that peoples interest in superstition is reflected in the popular media and examined the percentage of books and articles pertaining to astrology during threatening and nonthreatening periods and found that the percentage was significantly higher during stressful times. Padgett Jorgenson (1982) use multiple linear regression to demonstrate that economic threat predict the level of superstition in Germany for the tumultuous years 1918 to 1940. Indexes of superstition were the number of articles on astrology, mysticism, and cults appearing in a Germany periodical index. Threat was measured by levels of real wages, unemployment, and industrial production. The economic threat variables significantly predicted level of superstition in two of the three superstition indexs. McCann Stewin (1984) verified that the annual percentage of parapsychological contributions to the psychological literature is (a) correlated positively with the unemployment rate, (b) is correlated negatively with the disposable per capita income in constant dollars, and (c) is correlated positively with the subjective annual threat weightings of historians and social critics. Womack (1992) reported that athletes were more likely to resort to superstition or rituals under highly stressful situation. Keinan (1994) is the landmark to use experimental method to investigate the relationship between psychological stress and magic thinking and the extent to which such a relationship may be moderated by individuals tolerance of ambiguity using Israeli citizens during the Gulf War as the subjects. The results show that superstitious and magic beliefs are more prevalent among people living in regions exposed to missile attacks (high-stress condition) than among those living in regions not exposed to such attacks (low-stress condition). Furthermore, high stress level exerts a more pronounced effect on the occurrence of magical thinking in individuals with low tolerance of ambiguity than in those with high tolerance. Although this paper point out a bright way for future research about superstition in psychology, several research gaps are left to be filled: (1) this research only focus on magic thinking which means that no one knows whether people will use behavioural expressions to deal wi th stress; (2) this paper does not rule out other factors that can also link to magic thinking in the different areas. Keinan (2002) based on the former work further to solve the problems mentioned above. He designed a very clear experiment that half participants are exposed to low-stress conditions (a regular study day during which no examination were held) and half to high-stress conditions (about half an hour before an examination). They are interviewed and asked questions designed to elicit a superstition behavior: knocking on wood ritual. Results show that the difference in the number of knocks on wood between high Desire for Control (DC) and low-DC individuals was greater in the high-stress than in the low-stress condition. Uncertainty and stress Monat, Averill, Lazarus (1972) conducted two experiments to show the effects of uncertainty on anticipatory (3 minutes) stress reactions and cognitive coping reponses. Results show that temporal uncertainty subjects who know that a painful electric shock would occur, but not when, demonstrated maximum affetice disturbance (stress) in the anticipation period and thought less about the shock as time processed. Mishel (1984) proposed a structural model to explain the stress resulting from hospitalization for a medical problem. Results showed that perceived uncertainty about symptoms, treatment, and outcome was examined as a major predictor of stress. Testing of the model with hospitalized medical patients indicated support for the relationship of uncertainty to stress. Uncertainty also had the predicted mediating role between seriousness of illness and stress. Fleming, Okeeffe, Baum (1991) showed that resident living near hazardous waste site which elicit uncertainty about the future of their family performed more poorly on a task that has been shown to be affected by stress and had more difficulty concentrating and/ or motivating themselves to work on the task and experienced greater stress-related arousal of the sympathetic nervous system. Importance of outcome and stress Schuler (1980) Marchant, Morris, Anderson (1998) conducted experiment to investigate whether perceived importance have causal relationship with competitive strate anxiety. They manipulated perceived importance of outcome (low importance: three golf balls vs. high importance: golf shoes) and asked participants to complete the Sport Competition Anxiety Test. Results show the significant differences between the low-importance group and high-importance group on competitive state anxiety. Schippers Lange (2006) use experiment to verify that importance attached to the outcome in a given situation affect peoples tension. More specifically, when outcomes are not considered to be very important, individuals should feel more or less relaxed, the level of psychological tension is low. In contrast, when outcomes are considered to be very important, people experience greater psychological tension and stress. 2.3.2.2 Control The need for control and the aversiveness of perceived uncontrollability are major motivators of human behaviors and have long been identified as a basic motivation in the psychological literature (Averill, 1973; Lefcourt, 1973; White, 1959). Heightened perceptions of control have been associated with psychological and physical well-being (Taylor Brown, 1988) and exposure to uncontrollable situations has deleterious effects and have been associated with feelings of helplessness and other negative psychological and physical consequences (Abramson, et al., 1978). Thus when personal control is threatened or undermined, persons are driven to protect it or regain it (Liu Steele, 1986; Pittman Pittman, 1980). Superstitious strategies are the useful tools for people under low perceptions of control or even no control to regain such control. Stress and control Many psychological literatures have mentioned that experience of stress is strongly associated with perceived loss of control. Lacking control and superstition Some research has pointed out that a tendency towards magical thinking in situation in which control is reduced or lacking. The first study of superstition happening under lacking of control is Skinner (1948). Skinner records the behaviors of hungry pigeons when food is presented regularly and finds that even pigeons can perform superstitious behavior in uncontrollable reinforcement situations. More specifically, Skinner arranges a clock to present food every 15 seconds. After a few minutes, the pigeons start to perform distinctive rituals even though reinforcement is complete independent of the pigeons behavior. The distinctive rituals include that one bird is conditioned to turn counter-clockwise about the cage, making two or three turns between reinforcements; another bird repeatedly thrust its head into one of the upper corners of the cage; a third bird develop a tossing response, as if placing its head beneath an invisible bar and lifting it repeatedly. Skinner (1948) demonstrates that the behavior of the pigeons is a sort of superstition because the bird behaves as if there is a causal relation betw een its behavior and the presentation of food, although such a relation is lacking. Some follow-up studies are conducted and verify Skinners theory from different angles. For example, Ono (1987) analyze the behavior of humans exposed to response-independent schedules of reinforcer delivery and find that idiosyncratic and stereotyped superstitious behavior is produced in human subjects by response-independent schedules. Matute (1994) use experiment to demonstrate that Yoked subjects tend to superstitious behavior and illusion of control during exposure to uncontrollable noise. This in turn prevents the development of learned helplessness because uncontrollability is not perceived. In the following experiment, the failure feedback manipulation is added to the Yoked condition. Results of this experiment replicate previous findings of a proactive interference effect in humans – often characterized as learned helplessness. This effect, however, does not support learned helplessness theory because failure feedback is needed for its development. It is argue that conditions of response-independent reinforcement commonly used in human research do not lead to learned helplessness, but to superstitious behavior and illusion of control. Matute (1995) based on his former research test the generality of superstition and illusion of control effects in humans exposed to uncontrollable noise under different task conditions, as well as two different conditions of percentage and distribution of negative reinforcement (noise termination). He find that most subjects exposed to non-contingent negative reinforcement tend to behave superstitiously, and to believe (a) that they had found a way to stop the noise, (b) that the task was controllable, and (c) that they were controlling it. Dudley (1999) support Matutes theory and argue that paranormal beliefs can allow one to make external and specific attributions by placing the blame for failure outside oneself, which may prevent the development of learned helplessness during specific instances of uncontrollability. He use experiment to verify his assumption that participants resort to superstitious belief in unsolvable situations, which may prevent or interrupt performance impairment and superstition may help block the development of learned helplessness. More specifically, he find that college students scoring higher on Tobacyks revised Paranormal Belief Scale (PBS) (J. Tobacyk Milford, 1983; J. J. Tobacyk, 2004) solve more anagrams after exposure to an unsolvable problem than did students who score lower on the PBS. The effectiveness of superstition As superstitious strategies are often used when control is lacking. Some early literatue maintained that the reason why people perform superstition is that they believe it is useful to control the outcome. For example, Killeen (1978) propose that in the attempt to solve a problem, an organism tend to repeat any behavior that may have produced the desire outcome. Later, Van Raalte, Brewer, Nemeroff, Linder (1991) demostrated that those students who believe that their own actions exert some control over chance events are most likely to exhibit superstitious behaviors. However, many psychological researchers argued that even people know clearly that their superstitious behaviors do not have any influence on the potential outcome, they still perform superstitious behaviors. Research that support this standpoint can be found in literatures which are in different contexts. For example, Bleak Frederick (1998) report that may athletes engage in superstitious rituals in spite of their self-reports indicating low levels of aggrement that such behaviors are effective in influencing sports performance which means that it is not necessarily effectiveness of a superstitious sport behavior which determines its popularity among members of a sport team. Rogers (1998), in the context of gambling, observed that Lotto players acknowleged that winning Lotto is based purely on probability but they still believed in hot and cold numbers and used of intuition influenced actual behaviors. Rudski Edwards (2007), in the context of students taking exam, also argue that a lthough many participants reported using charms or rituals, they often failed to grant much credence to their efficacy. In regard to this controversy, Campbell (1996) based on Garwood (1963)s work propsed the concept of modern superstition which he believed that modern practitioners of superstition are not prepared to declare that they believe that they have any control over the outcome. The reason why they engage superstition is that they want emotional reassurance which superstition brings. In addition, they pursue a state to be active rather than accept passivity where control is lacking; a need to protect a fundamental orientation to action which is internalized in their personality and characteristic of their culture. That is to say, people performing superstition want to obtain a feeling which make them comforatble. Current psychological literature, from the perspective of illusory control also support this viewpoint. Illusory control and superstition Langer (1975) is the first researcher to propose this concept. She demonstrated that people act as if they can control outcomes in situations that are purly chance. She proposed that chance situations with skill elements elicit illusions of control, exaggerations of the probability of success based on overestimations of personal control. Case, et al.(2004)s experiment also support this standpoint. They showed that belief in the efficacy of the psychics ability did not appear to drive use of the psychics choice and participants chose the psychic option only on those trials where failure was most salient, in other words, only under circumstance that participants cannot control the outcomes. Case, et al. (2004) investigate the use of superstitious strategies under conditions of low control. In their experiments, 78 participants complete a chance-determined card-guessing task in which they were permitted to use a psychics card selection instead of making their own card selections. Participants use of a superstitious strategy (a psychics selections) increased significantly with the perceived likelihood of failure, which suggests that participants cannot control the outcomes. question, I will start from the psychological literature and try to find that under what circumstance do people perform superstition because according to the Block and Kramer (2009; 2008)s work, the reason why consumers prefer products with superstitious-related attributes is that superstitious people mistakenly believe that positive superstitious-association attributes lead to higher product performance. It is to be noted that the product performance does nothing with the attributes no matter whether they are positive or negative superstitious-related. Thus, the phenomenon that consumers prefer products with positive superstitious-related attributes match with the concept of superstition that is a belief, or set of belief, that specific actions can directly influence the occurrence of desirable outcomes or the avoidance of undesirable outcomes when, in fact, the actions are not causally related to the outcomes (Carlson, et al., 2009, p. 691). Therefore, we propose that As superstition is the psychological topic originally, however, current literature about superstition in marketplace do not take consumer psychology of superstition into accout. In other words, there is lack of empirical research between the psychological research of superstition and research about superstition in consumer decision making context. It is likely to expect that for superstitiou sconsumers, their situation when using products could induce their evaluation towards products with superstitious-related attributes. 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Tattoos and Criminal Behavior Essay - 1890 Words

Introduction The ancient practice of tattooing, once considered a trademark of social outcasts and criminals, has steered back into mainstream culture at an alarming rate (Irwin 2001, Swan 2006). In western society, tattoos are often associated with antisocial behaviour. In 1895, Cesare Lombroso concluded in his study that the art of tattooing is most commonly found on the bodies of criminals (Putnins 2002). The frequency of tattoo’ are predicted to be found at higher rates in criminal subcultures than in the general public. According to the 2003 Harris poll, nearly 40 million Americans’ have at least one tattoo. The practice is becoming more popular with teenagers. With thousands of people getting ‘inked’ everyday around the world,†¦show more content†¦Houghton et al. comprised the study of 464 high school students; equally divided by gender, from 5 separate schools in a large Australian city. 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IB Written Task free essay sample

English Language and Literature Rationale word count: 300 words Total word count: 932 words Rationale: In the first semester of my International Baccalaureate English course, we analyzed Mary Louise Pratts Arts of the Contact Zone. Pratt discusses the implications of contact zones and transculturation by utilizing Guaman Pomas example of learning Spanish to successfully write a letter and persuade the King of Spain. In this written task, presented in the form of Journal entries written by Andrea, a Mexican girl who dreams of becoming an architect, she will express her experience of transculturation y having to apply English to her everyday life in order to get a better educational opportunity In a different country, the united States. Due to her not being a native English speaker, she will encounter difficulties regarding Standard American English In the contact zone. Andrea will experience harsh cultural changes when moving from Ensenada, Baja California, to a different country and a new school with different friends. We will write a custom essay sample on IB Written Task or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page At the beginning she will be subject to codeswltching from English to Spanish and there will be writing errors, since English is not fully enforced in Mexico. Then, as she moves to the united States, she will encounter language profiling, language prejudice, and prescriptivist judgement from her counselor and teachers. Due to her accent and different cultural background, she will see the ways In which language affirms identity and the values based on the way people speak. These journal entries are excerpts chosen from her diary to read in which she will write her thoughts, and struggles of the day In order to transmit the different stages of her life and show the progression of her English Language through the journey of achieving her dream. Be aware that I am fully conscious of any spelling errors, as Andrea has a hard time with irregular past tense verbs, and grammar mistakes made, like misinterpreting prepositions. March 5 2008 Miss Laura, my English teacher told us to do our Journal so I am writing my day Today I went to school, after school we had our class of particlpacion social. Miss Ada 1 OF3 dirt of the cars, after that I went to play basket but the teacher wasnt there so me, my sister and a friend, played with other peorsons, not basket, we played games of fun and at the last we made a circle and pray all together. March 7 2008 We went to our Catholic church this morning, my mom went too, and I was shy because I went with the whole school. When we were coming back to the school I went with the first grade as colada because I had to finish my homework of Geografia. After the recess on the class I thinked about Tijuana, I miss my friends my teachers. Here in Ensenada they teach me things I already know. In Sunday, I will go to Tijuana and see my friends I miss them too much. In Saturday, we will do a car wash I am excited I want to go and I will quitar el polvo al carro. I love Tijuana the better place to ive. March 102008 I am sick (cough) I feel bad because of the car wash. We had 2,416 pesos but we had to make 3,000 pesos, I was in the box. Later I went with Michelle to sleep but my mom came for me at 6:00 AM we had to go to church, then to the kids club in Tijuana. At NET, I saw my friends. Michelle has a room full of barbies I love barbies we played all the day with Paola and Sofia. April 8 2008 In Sunday, I trided to filmed me and my secrets but it dont work so I am going to do another one because in the future I am going to show it to my kids if I have. I want to ave kids or be a tourist, I want to work like an architect or decorating houses, offices, and more, from the inside. I have trouble findding friends to trust, I dont wory about guys right now. Instead, in my studies, in my dad because I dont find him happy, also in my future, how will it be like? I wish to be an intelligent person, pretty, healthy, happy, outstandding and have money. Enough to triumf and also go to heaven. August 10 2011 I have returned to Ensenada, Baja California from Santiago de Chile. On a religious trip I went there in which I met girls from around the world. The funny thing was that we all spoke Spanish but differently, at the end all of our accents were mixed up. Oh man! We had a lot of fun. I got to hang out with people that had the same interests as me in the religious field, which is hard to find these days in were people dont take God seriously.